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Israeli Elections:
Solidifying Fascism
By Mazin Qumsiyeh
ccun.org, February 13, 2009
Well before the recent murderous Israeli attacks on Gaza, the
Israeli newspaper Haaretz reported that Northern Command leader Gadi
Eisenkot stated that "We will wield disproportionate power against every
village from which shots are fired on Israel, and cause immense damage and
destruction. From our perspective, these are military bases…This isn't a
suggestion. This is a plan that has already been authorized." ("IDF plans to
use disproportionate force in next war," by Amos Harel, Haaretz, October 5,
2008). The same report stated that Colonel (Res.) Gabriel Siboni
authored a report through Tel Aviv University's Institute for National
Security Studies backing Eisenkot's statements stating that the answer to
rocket and missile threats from Syria, Lebanon and the Gaza Strip is "a
disproportionate strike at the heart of the enemy's weak spot, in which
efforts to hurt launch capability are secondary...." Ephraim Halevy, the
former head of the Mossad intelligence service, wrote in the Israeli press
that the government “could have stopped the rocket attacks long ago by
lifting its siege of Gaza. But [] Israel has a broader interest — to ensure
that it is the Fatah party .. and not Hamas that is politically dominant in
the Palestinian territories. If Israel's goal were to remove the
threat of rockets from the residents of southern Israel, opening the border
crossings would have ensured such quiet for a generation. But the real
objectives of the operation include preserving Fatah's status as the sole
sovereign in the Palestinian Authority.
(
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/jan/04/israel-gaza-invasion-troops-hamas/print)
That Israel broke the cease fire in Gaza with the same aims is now a well
established fact even agreed to be Israeli spokespersons (see e.g.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?gl=GB&hl=en-GB&v=SILJxPTqjAM )
These things are all sidelined on the eve of Israeli elections and the
Israeli political landscape is poised to finally fulfill its destiny of
fascism. Israelis will (like Germans under Hitler) continue to be lulled
into supporting the unthinkable. It is instructive here to pause and
examine the Zionist political structure that makes this possible.
While strands of Zionism included things like religious and cultural Zionism
(ala Judas Magnus, Martin Buber and Hannah Arendt), the programs articulated
by the World Zionist Congress held in West Jerusalem in 1966 remain the
dominant form. This program aims to strengthen the “Jewish state”,
strengthen “Jewish connections” to Zionism, strengthen “Jewish education”
and thus cohesiveness around the political program. Its agenda does
not leave much to the imagination and the programs that emanate from the
tribal mission and goals of Zionism become very clear. These include
strengthening “Jewish” institutions to defend “Jewish” values/interests
(here I put Jewish in quotations because many Jews and others would take
issue with the Zionist mantra that Zionism represents Jews or Jewish
interests). Such a program tries to appear liberal to the outside
world but any rational person and Jewish Zionists themselves know what it
entailed and will continue to demand. To sustain a Jewish state requires an
endless effort to fend off the majority of the population in that area who
are not Jewish. The inevitable result was that of the 10 million
Palestinians in the world over 7 million are refugees or displaced people,
others live in concentration camps, and many are subjected to endless wars
(since natives in history never simply fade away on their own).
The difference between strands of political Zionism has always been not
about the need or importance of having a powerful and secure Jewish state on
someone else’s land andf now about how to build a modern sate that complies
with International law. The differences centered on how to create and
maintain the Jewish state despite the rights of indigenous people and in the
face of their expected resistance. It was about what tactics and what
procedures ensure colonization success with maximum benefit for the Zionist
movement at minimum expense. The difference between Ben Gurion and Vladimir
Jabotisnky was not over the goal (a secure powerful Jewish state) but over
tactics. Ben Gurion believed in maintaining strong Western support
(the British and later the US) by couching language in internationally
acceptable discourses and trying to handle the natives with a mixture of
methods (violence, trickery, buying them off etc). Jabotinsky believed
in hard power only; an “iron wall to which the natives have no answer”.
In today’s discourses, the soft racism of Ben Gurion has become a minority
(Israeli Labor Party) while the more blunt racism of Jabotinsky ascended to
make up the majority powers (Likud, Kadima, Israel Beitano). That the
latter block of fascist parties now dominates Israeli politics is a sad
commentary not just on the depravity of the Zionist discourse but the fact
that the world allowed it to get so far. The whole sale slaughter in
Gaza using US weapons and protection and European government acquiescence is
now a textbook an example of the trashing of International law in favor of
brute power politics. Some may say, the Palestinians could have
helped stem the move towards fascist parties if they were more
accommodating. But that statement has to be dissected more carefully.
Haven’t Palestinian leadership already compromised enough by agreeing to
cede 78% of Palestine, limiting its demands top only 22% of historic
Palestine (West Bank and Gaza)? Why would the victims be expected to
accommodate every whim and desire of their tormentors? Would Palestinians be
actually better off under the rule of Labor than Likud? We do know
that Labor built just as many settlements when it was in power as Likud and
Labor is the one which developed Israel’s weapons of mass destructions and
used some of them (e.g. white Phosphorous). Labor was actually able to
accomplish far more ethnic destruction than the so called “right wing” ever
could (just look at the hundreds of thousands of refugees created between
1948-1950 and in 1967). Labor’s ability to lull the international community
to sleep by talk of “peace” (while acting completely opposite) is legendary.
Labor and supposed moderates managed to break the blockade and lack of
diplomatic recognition without having to comply with even one of the 60+ UN
Security Council resolutions that Israel is violating.
Ofcourse a rational examination of history would clearly show that (as many
South African leaders stated) that Israel is indeed worse than apartheid
South Africa. Lamenting the dismal reality on the ground and in Israeli
political discourse is instructive in other ways. Since Israel has
never declared its borders, let us look at Israel’s attempts to deal with
its neighbors in the past 30 years: 1) Israel's deal with Egypt in
1978/79 neutralized a large Arab country while partially complying with
International law (withdrawing from the Sinai while limiting Egyptian
sovereignity there) has accomplished more for Israel than all its wars
including massive US aid and other economic benefits. Yet, the average
Egyptian saw worse conditions while the regime of the dictatorship was
strengthened. Overall, Egyptian society suffered a significant setback in
its struggle for democracy and human rights (not to mention economic
development). Divisions between Egypt and other Arab countries were
created and fanned from which we still suffer today (see how Egypt
collaborated with Israel and oppressed the dissent within Egypt). The cold
peace that is kept only by US support of a ruthless dictator is a testament
to how such a deal was not fair or balanced (to take into account Israeli
and Egyptian PUBLIC needs). 2) Israel's deal with PLO also
accomplished much for Israel (breaking the isolation by establishing
diplomatic relations with 30+ new countries, economic boom, the freedom to
colonize more of the West Bank) while using the language of autonomy to get
the prisoners to simply pick-up their own garbage and pay for their own
society relieving the occupation from its responsibilities under the 4th
Geneva Conventions. Between 1993-2000 Israel's economy boomed and
settler population in the West Bank doubled (from 200,000 to more than
400,000). Meanwhile Palestinian economy suffered massive losses
(unemployment went from 20% to over 45%) and the Palestinian body politics
was severly damaged (with creation of different Palestinian populations,
different agendas, different expectations etc). Divisions ensued.
3) Under fire of Hizballah, Israel got out of South Lebanon unilaterally
(and essentially defeated) in 1999 but kept the Sheba farms and a few
Lebanese prisoners. Hizballah was succeeded in 2006 to secure release
of prisoners and Israel’s unconditional withdrawal and now Israel is talking
about relinquishing the Sheba farms. 4) Under fire from Hamas,
Israel vacated the Gaza strip unilaterally in hope of strengthening its grip
on the West Bank but it merely strengthened Hamas. While the move
succeeded in its other goals of fostering stronger divisions among
Palestinians, it also strengthened Hamas and increased the likelihood of
further militarization of the resistance to occupation (the increasing
sophistication and reach of Hamas rockets are but one of the outcomes of
this policy). While many Israelis recognize the failure of achieving
Israeli goals in either 2000 or 2008, this is not resolved yet. But if
I was a betting person, I would bet that Hamas has grown in popularity and
that funding will be flowing to that organization thanks to Israeli
massacres of Gazans and other plunders of an occupation army bereft of
ideas. The contrasts between 1/2 and 3/4 lead many observers to
conclude that violent resistance works to achieve results while negotiations
only bring humiliating conditions that just set the stage for conflict. The
third way of justice was never tried. Israeli leaders continue to
speak of the management of the “demographic problem”: Palestinian Christians
and Muslims who remain have higher birth rates than Jews who come to live in
Palestine/Israel. Different political parties come up with different
solutions ranging from the South Africa model under apartheid (create for
them their own state or Zululand, “us here them there”) to demanding a
loyalty oath to the “Jewish state” and expel those who disagree (it is like
demanding blacks in South Africa give a loyalty oath to “White South
Africa”). The only thing that could change that dynamic and go
beyond the choice of either violent resistance or humiliating agreements is
if Israeli leaders would finally be compelled to respect International law
and treat the Palestinians with justice. This would be the only thing that
would pull the rug from under the extremists. The International
movement for boycotts, divestments and sanctions provides a significant
pathway that combined with steadfast resistance to destruction by the
natives would be sufficient to achieve change for the better here. I
already feel the winds of change coming. Each human being can play a role to
speed it along and the faster it comes the more lives are saved.
Professor Mazin Qumsiyeh teaches in Bethlehem University, Palestine
http://qumsiyeh.org
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